Banu Gokarıksel, 2012, “The intimate politics of secularism and the headscarf: the mall, the neighborhood, and the public square in Istanbul.” Gender, Place, and Culture (vol,19, issue 1, 1-20):

Abstract: The headscarf continues to be a highly charged political issue in Turkey where it is often understood through the prism of the opposition between so-called Islamists versus secularists. My work brings together feminist scholarship on the politics of everyday space and recent rethinking of the categories of secularism and religion. I begin by situating this politicized debate in the everyday material contexts of the public square, the street, and the mall. By introducing popular culture (notably the film Busra) and my own fieldwork on the veil, I argue that the headscarf represents the intersection of politics of place and individual agency in a way that renders ideological debates contingent on everyday practices. Reducing the headscarf to a sign of Islamism fails to take into account the ever-shifting meanings of this object across time and space. The differences within and between the everyday urban sites I examine reveal much more complex, often contradictory, and discontinuous geographies of secularism and Islam. This analysis reveals a multiplicity that belies attempts to delineate clearly bounded spaces, subjects, and ideologies, one that is intimate and political.

Banu Gökar!ksel & Anna Secor (2011): “Even I Was Tempted”: The Moral Ambivalence and Ethical Practice of Veiling-Fashion in Turkey, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, DOI:10.1080/00045608.2011.601221
To link to this article:

Abstract: Veiling-fashion, with its array of brands and ever-changing styles, has been on the rise in Turkey in the past decade. Although the producers of these styles present them as the perfect melding of fashion and piety, our analysis of focus groups with consumers in Istanbul and Konya in 2009 shows that veiling-fashion is, in practice, rife with ambivalence. Veiling is undertaken in relation to the moral code of of Islam, but fashion, as consumption, works as part of an ever-shifting economy of taste and distinction. In Baudrillard’s terms, veiling-fashion is morally ambivalent, caught between its function as modest covering according to Islam and its social signification. In their negotiation of this ambivalence, consumers of these styles turn veiling-fashion into an ethical practice, into part of how they form themselves in relation both to a moral code (Islam) and to the aesthetics, politics, and pleasures of their sociospatial environments. The ethical practice of veiling-fashion thus engages a complex spatial field of
bodies, homes, streets, military or state spaces, and public arenas. Veiling-fashion consumers describe their daily practices in terms of a problem of self-governance, or the management of nefis, the bodily or material desires aroused by consumption and its display. In this management of nefis through the technology of veiling-fashion these women form themselves as subjects of ethico-politics in Turkey today. Key Words: consumption, ethics, fashion, Turkey, veiling.

Nina Martin, 2011, “Toward a new countermovement: a framework for interpreting the contradictory interventions of migrant civil society organizations in urban labor markets”Environment and Planning A 43(12) 2934 – 2952

Abstract. Low-wage migrant workers in the United States confront a perilous labor market, where wages are low, the risk of injury on the job is high, and the fear of apprehension by immigration authorities is widespread. There is increasing empirical evidence that civil society organizations are becoming involved in mediating labor-market problems, but work remains to be done in developing a robust theoretical conception of why such organizations are involved in this arena and how we might evaluate the impacts of their interventions. This paper presents a framework for interpreting the role of migrant civil society organizations as labor-market intermediaries, by extending Karl Polanyi’s theory of the ‘double movement’ and more recent writing to neoliberalism and precarious work. On the basis of data collected from migrant nonprofit organizations in Chicago, I theorize migrant civil society organizations as part of the creation of a new countermovement that protects the interests of both workers and employers from the destructive nature of an unregulated labor market, as predicted by Polanyi. I catalogue organizations’ responses to precarious work and create a generalizable framework for evaluating the contingent outcomes of their strategies. Organizations’ work is interpreted as complex and sometimes contradictory: the potential to shield workers and advocate for progressive change is in constant tension with the neoliberal patterns of state and economic restructuring that such organizations can support.
Full article:

Nina Martin, 2011. “There Is Abuse Everywhere”: Migrant Nonprofit Organizations and the Problem of Precarious Work. Urban Affairs Review.

Abstract: Migrant-serving nonprofit organizations negotiate some of the most intractable economic, social, and political problems in the United States. In the realm of economic development, nonprofit organizations have emerged as labor market intermediaries, devising various strategies to assist migrant workers in securing work, making ends meet on low wages, and negotiating an abusive workplace. I contribute to literatures in community and economic development, by presenting a definition of the sector of “migrant nonprofit organizations” and typologizing organizations’ labor market strategies. The role of nonprofit organizations in the labor market is contradictory, both flanking and contesting precarious work. The article draws on a survey and semistructured interviews with organizations in Chicago.

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